A question triggered off by an earlier comment from strangeknight on how ‘arabisation’ of malay culture has possibly changed the perception of gender performativity amongst muslim women in Malaysia. Given that ‘arabisation’ of cultures is often associated with the spread of Islam – see quote from Arts, Culture and Heritage Minister and wiki’s definition – this really sets me thinking as to whether Islam does in fact, encourage the submission of women to men.
It ain’t quite surprising that the evidence refuting an affirmative to my question has to come from the research findings of a presumably Muslim Malaysian woman.
In her research tracing the genealogical interpretation of Islamic teachings pertaining to women’s role, Raihanah Abdullah^ argues that the original intent of Islam was to ‘improve the position of women’ over their ‘inferior status … during the pre-Islamic period’.
So in comparison to the pre-existing ‘practices and customs of the pagan society’ where
1. Women were considered as property and not given any rights to determine their own lives
2. Female infanticide prevailed for the reasons of shame and poverty
3. Women were perceived as not being able to contribute to their own tribes
4. Unlimited polygamy and divorce as well as payment of dowry to the father
contributed to the inferior status of women in the pre-Islamic period, the Qur’an revised these customs to suit the spirit of Islam which advocates ‘principles of equality, justice and humanity in an Islamic society’. Hence,
1. A Muslim man may marry up to four wives simultaneously (ie restricting polygamy)
2. Muslim women have rights to their dowries
And to protect married women’s status in a family unit
3. Muslim women have rights to inherit property from her male relatives and husband; the right to a bequest and the right to possess and manage her own property during marriage and after divorce.
Quoting a direct verse from the Qur’an, Raihanah interpreted Islamic teachings as recognising the equal rights of women and men – both ‘men and women are equal with respect to moral and spiritual obligations’.
Further as Raihanah argues, such equality between men and women extends to social, economic and political spheres. Raihanah seals her point in quoting the ‘dynamic, influential and enterprising’ wives of Prophet Mohammad as examples, in particular, the authoritarian figure of Aisha in Quranic and legal studies.
Therefore for Raihanah, women’s status deteriorated not as a result of the spread of Islam. Rather, the limiting of women’s rights really began by the ‘end of Umawi period and early Abbasid’ when gender prescriptions were adopted from Byzantine, Persian and Sasanian civilisation. For the elites of these societies, ‘harems, concubines and confining women to their private homes were regarded as symbol of [their] social status’.
These were the same social norms that were applied to Middle Eastern countries now or as I daresay – as implied in Raihanah’s research – operating in Malaysian societies. All these work to restrict Muslim women’s roles not just only in their religious participation but also in social, economic and political spheres.
So, if Raihanah is spot on in her genealogical interpretation, Islam has indeed been very wronged. It would appear we all need to replace these coloured lenses we’ve been using to assess the religion and its followers.
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Some may argue Raihanah’s exercise is possibly an attempt to externalise the flaws of Islam. However, the beauty of Raihanah’s research lies exactly in her unflinchingly confrontation with the historical evolution of Islamic norms, her honest attempt to debunk the (mis)interpretation of religious teachings to support the cause of ruling minority.
That again, is exactly why we need to reassess the claims of so-called traditions and their relevance in our social, economic and political contexts.
Let’s not take things or judge others at face value.
^Findings and quotes from Raihanah Abdullah’s paper, ‘Muslim Women in Malaysia’ published in Women in Malaysia: Breaking Boundaries.
