The plight of street girls in the Philippines

Excerpts taken from Band of Sisters by Ryan Anson, Asian Geographic Vol 9, Issue 6/2006.

“It’s not really poverty that pushes a girl or child to the street because a child can cope even if there’s no food. But if there’s violence in relationships and no support, the tendency for children would be to spend more time with peers than at home. Being on the streets offers greater freedom for children. No one sets the rules. If they get abused in the streets, they can fight back. But if they get abused at home, they can’t beat up their father.

Pilgrim Bliss Gayo-Guasa, coordinator of Tambayan Centre for the Care of Abused Children Inc.

Ryan Anson’s article captured the emergence of girl gangs in Davao City, where Filippinos “from central and southern Philippines … tempted by [the city’s] robust commercial environment and much-vaunted peace and order record, … flocked here over the last few years to try their luck at a better future.”

Aside the city’s ‘newer malls and burgeoning strips of stores’ sprang ‘huge squatter areas along the polluted coastline – boomtown’s shadowy fringe’. These are homes to poor migrants and their children, many of whom grew up ‘frustrated with the shortage of outlets for self-expression and tired of domestic violence that poverty frequently engenders’, left home for the streets where they formed gangs as ‘structure for self support’.

Though not always safer than the homes which they constantly run away form, gangs are where identities are formed and taboos broken, where girls learn how to kiss, how to avoid arrest and how to get what they want when they can’t get it from their families.

In a society where ‘girls should finish school or help raise a big family’ and ‘definitely shouldn’t smoke or have more than one boyfriend’, these girls are often perceived to be ‘rebellious and without morals’.

In 1993, Davaoenos began labelling these girls buntogs, a word in the Cebuano language that refers to quails that hops from nest to nest. On the street, being tagged as a buntog is worse than being called a prostitute. If they have to be labelled, most girls prefer being called chay, which means “tough” or “street smart”.

“No one should be called buntog, even those who don’t go home,” said Rine, a senior member of Warshock, a major girl gang in Davao.

There are not many gangs like Warshock in Davao. Most girls get sucked into gangs because they have boyfriends who are established members. In many of the city’s mixed gangs, the guy calls the shots. … For the most part, boys use girls to attract new members.

Survival sex is widely practiced in gangs. That’s where girls first learn how to indulge their adolescent concepts of love. And sexual intercourse, if it comes to that, is not necessarily consensual. Male gang members often manipulate girls and convince them to use their bodies as bargaining chips for protection or other necessities like food and cigarettes. Pure physical contact whether or not it involves violence or an exchange of goods or cash, is equated with emotional love. When a girl’s self-esteem deteriorates to an all-time low and she starts to believe she is nothing but a buntog, then performing demeaning sexual services will not disappoint anyone if it’s the only way to survive in a city that chastises her.

“Many of them think they are damaged goods and that there is nothing else to be thrown away. It’s like a form of internalised discrimination,” says Gayo-Guasa.

… more than half of the 875 girls whom Tambayan has assisted experienced their first sexual encounter as a result of force. Quite a few were raped by family members. About 80 percent of them later fell into the hands of pimps. Though gans are not necessarily a gateway to prostitution, the closeness of their relationships, coupled with desperate economic needs and the persuasive psychology of abuse, make the choice to try it out that much easier. If they do make that decision, it exposes them to the kinds of reproductive health issues that boys do not even think about, including early pregnancy and greater susceptibility of infection with sexually transmitted diseases or HIV.

… there are as many as 100,000 prostituted children in the Philippines. … In the Philippines, particularly in Davao’s disadvantaged communities where the average family of six lives off 150 pesos (less than US$3) a day, making money is a responsibility that extends right down to the youngest child. Relatives will often convince girls that working as a ‘Guest Relations Officer’ – the Philippine euphemism for bar girl – is the only way out.

What’s been done so far … …

More than 100 of the city’s 180 barangays have activated their respective Barangay Councils for the Protection of Children (BCPCs), which monitor cases of physical and sexual violence. In 1992, the Philippine government passed legislation Republic Act (RA) 7610, a bill that protects victims of grave sexual abuse and penalises establishments that prostitute traffic minors. … since RA 7610 was passed, not one brothel or bar owner in the Philippines has been held directly liable for prostituting children.

New Asian Women Chapter 2: Kiss and Tell (All)

Moving on from the first chapter of mainly the ‘dare to kick ass’ Asian women or feminine representations in Asian Popular Culture, the second series will focus on the ‘kiss and tell all’. Brb, I promise.

New Asian Women (4) – Xiaxue (2003? – )

Name:
Xiaxue (which means snowing in Chinese) online avatar for Wendy Cheng.

Who is she? :
Well, she doesn’t need much introduction, does she? For the sake of those new to (Singapore)blogosphere, Xiaxue is possibly one of the earliest and most controversial female blogger turned big-time celebrity in Singapore. As the now infamous story goes, Wendy//Xiaxue first started blogging when the girlfriend of her ex-boyfriend threw away her diary. The then incensed polytechnic student had since built her fame and notoriety as a foul-mouthed Ah Lian. More recently in blogosphere, she had also been branded as a xenophobic or racist for her politically incorrect allegations against foreign labourers.

Some other infamous blog moments (selection from Xiaxue’s shortlisted posts):

(1) We are so gorgeous – the blogger’s paradoxical response to those who had criticised her (overly) made-up countenance.

(2) Flushed over toilets – Xiaxue’s interpretation of social (in)justice in Singapore.

… For a complete sampling of XX, please refer to her blog.

Breakthrough factor (oh yes, much as some may think less of Xiaxue as a freedom slag, I do think she has challenged certain notions of the Asian feminine identity, please see more below):

(1) For one, she’s the first self-proclaimed Singapore Ah Lian to have made it big, well should I say, she probably owes her fame to assuming this online persona.

(2) This is also one blogger whose popularity had somehow outlasted her critique so far – despite her controversial standpoints on several issues (eg handicapped toilets, foreign labourers, see above).

(3) Owing to her early found fame as a pioneer celebrity blogger in cyberspace, she’s also the first female blogger to have successfully commercialised her blog.

Gen-xi comments:

If we are to observe Xiaxue alongside Makino Tsukushi and My Sassy Girl, Xiaxue is possibly Singapore’s answer to a popular demand for an outspoken, fearless, male-bashing femme fatale. But whereas there were no illusions as to the commercial intent behind the inceptions of Tsukushi and Sassy Girl from day one, it is certainly a tough act to capitalise on a cyber character that is borne out of a popular will for freedom of expression. Till date, it remains to be seen how far Wendy may be able to sustain a viable livelihood from the commercialisation of her avatar through manoveuring her position as a Singapore Ah Lian of the 21st Century.

New Asian Women (3) – My Sassy Girl (2001 – )

Name:

Ms Anonymous, well with a character so Sassy and hard-to-miss, she doesn’t really need a name.

Who is she?:
Aspiring scriptwriter who wins hearts as the loud, bizarre and ‘abusive’ girlfriend of Kyun-woo, the atypical hero – an underdog at school and obviously in his newfound love life. This unlikely couple first encountered each other on the subway where the hero had to clean up the mess after the unnamed, drunk heroine who puked all over a middle-aged man. Obviously attractive in looks and stature, the heroine is more often than not an abrasive free spirit unafraid of transgressing conventions to achieve her desired ends (eg faking pregnancy to get the hero out from class for a day out with her).

Some memorable (‘abusive’) moments in the movie:

(1) The scene where she threw up all over the wig of a balding middle-aged man in the subway is plain classic (slapstick, but really who cares when it provides such a good laugh)

(2) Also hilarious is how she appears to dominate over Mr Underdog in the early days of their relationship eg forcing him to order ONLY coffee when they dine out and switch his shoes for her heels when she suffered from aching legs.

Breakthrough factors:

(1) Probably one of the earliest leading female character in a Korean production to stand up to her male counterpart. Prior to My Sassy Girl, most Korean productions tend to play up the subservient role of women in a heterosexual relationship, particularly in a traditional Korean family unit. Recall for instance, Huo Hua or literally translated as Firework.

(2) Certainly one of the earliest big screen offspring of cyberpop culture – scripting of the film was inspired by a series of online love letters posted by Kim Ho-sik.

Scream factor: phenomenal

Scoring a string of box successes in East Asia and fast became the most popular Korean film amongst Asian Americans.

In the pipeline is a Hollywood remake due for release in 2007. The success of My Sassy Girl has also spun off a manga series authored by its original storyteller, Kim Ho-sik.

Gen-xi comments:

Love the spunk of My Sassy Girl. However, as most reviews were quick to point out, the bravado of our unnamed hero is perhaps a (false) front for an emotionally vulnerable heart. It’s still gratifying though to break the mould of long suffering Korean girlfriends/wives. This is perhaps a big screen reflection of social reality in Korea where women are gaining voice in private and public sphere. During my first trip to Korea in 2003, I was regaled by tales of how a public protest carried out by enraged Korean women against alleged molestation in subway had effected a new ruling to keep men out of designated compartments. Yet, as my (obviously male chauvinistic) tourist had pointed out, women’s subsequent reluctance to keep to the domain of these designated compartments, have served to counter and lead to the abolishment of the ruling.

Coming back to My Sassy Girl, I would say this is Korean’s answer to Japan’s Makino Tsukushi, their popularity is but a signal of more spunky female characters to arrive in Asian popular culture.

New Asian Women (2): Women in Singapore

Justin Deimen sums it up rather well when he said this of Singapore Dreaming, the critically acclaimed local production that is screening in major theatres around the island,

“Singapore Dreaming raises several important questions that point to what it means to be Singaporean.”

Here I would like to focus on how the movie has provided a multi-layered perspective as to what it means to be a woman in a predominantly migrant Asian society. In Singapore Dreaming, we witness a construction of feminine identities not only by age group and education levels but also their status as either new or second generation migrants:

– Siew Luan, originally from neighbouring Malaysia, has settled down in Singapore since her marriage to Poh Huat, the patriarch of Loh family. Her subservience to Poh Huat not only speaks aloud of a patriarchal Asian family structure, but perhaps also of her dependency on her husband as full-time home-maker and first generation working class migrant.

– Mei and Irene, daughter and intended daughter-in-law of Siew Luan, represent the emerging feminine voices of 2nd or 3rd generation migrant women since 1990s (now considered as the incumbents). These are women who are caught in between the demand of a modernising or modernised economy and the outmoded social norms that continue to subordinate the feminine to the masculine in a patriarchal Asian family/society.

– Pinkie, the presumably Filippino maid, and the unnamed ‘beer lady’ from Mainland China – the ‘foreign bodies’ who not only accentuate the discrimination confronting working class new migrants but also this obsession for upward social mobility that so entraps the lives of modern Singaporeans. These are the faces of women who have subsisted at the lower rang of Singapore society in the hope of seeking a springboard to attain their aspirations or escape the poverty trap in their home country. It is through the eyes of these new migrants that the movie builds up an interrogation of the Singapore Dream – this tireless pursuit of 5Cs that may have cost the incumbents their aspirations and indeed their humanity.

Kudos to Singapore Dreaming for its ambitious attempt to address the many facades of Singaporean (feminine) identities. So how could anyone ever derive a common denominator for Asian feminine identities, if we were to consider just how widely varied their voices are in the tiny island nation of Singapore? And how far are the issues or glass ceilings confronting the new and old migrants in Singapore representative of those in other migrant nations (regardless of the East-West Divide)?

New Asian Women (1) – Makino Tsukushi (1992 – )

Name: Makino Tsukushi

Tsukushi literally means horsetail. A hardy plant, horsetail has been used to scour pots and pans. The name itself is a symbollic reference to the strong will of this lead character in Hana Yori Dango, a popular anime created by Yoko Kamio in 1992.

Who is she: smart, kick-ass high school girl

Tsukushi is the ‘non-descript’ teenage girl of working class background who refuses to bow down to the Flower Four, the gang of four teenage guys who lead the pack at Etoto High School, an exclusive institution for the rich and famous. The Flower Four, or F4, are so named for their exceedingly good looks. And if Tsukushi is the lowly, commoner horsetail, F4 are ‘creme-la-creme’ – future successors to the quartet of economic powerhouses in Japan. However, slowly but gradually, Tsukushi wins over the F4, particularly their leader, Domiyoji, with her strong spirits and courage.

Some memorable moments:

1. Declaration of war: Tsukushi sending a kick right into the face of Domiyoji.

2. Tsukushi, the ‘Miss No Brand Woman’ rejecting and expressing disdain towards Domiyoji’s offer to ‘buy her love’

Breakthrough factor:

1. Straight-talking, no-nonsense, independent heroine who obviously deviates from the stereotypical sweet, docile Japanese woman.

2. The underdog successfully standing up to the school bully – clearly this theme has appealed to teenagers who may have suffered similar predicament in school.

2. Challenges the stratification of Japanese society in a high school setting.

Scream factor: Ear-deafening

Other than inspiring a TV and movie anime in Japan towards the late 90’s, Hana Yori Dango has also been repackaged as Meteor Garden for the Taiwanese market in 2001. Meteor Garden has taken Southeast Asia by storm. The success of Meteor Garden has served as an effective springboard for the acting career of popular TV host, Barbie Xu and turned the four virtual unknown male leading characters into overnight superstars.

In 2005, a brand new Japanese series of Hana Yori Dango was broadcast on Japanese TV.

Gen-xi comments:

For some reason or other, the strong character of Tsukushi, or Shancai, is very much watered down in Meteor Garden. Tsukushi seemed to be constantly weeping throughout most of the footage. This has no less discounted the spunk in the original characterisation of this unconventional character in Hana Yori Dango.

Tsukushi remains one of the memorable female characters in Japanese manga, not least for her refreshing forthrightness and fearlessness in taking on a deeply entrenched class system.